There are many immigrants in the United States, from various countries. This article will focus on Mexico's American heritage and its outstanding spokesperson, Cesar Chavez. People of this culture are sometimes called Latinos, Mexicans, Mexican-Americans, and Chicanos. Mexican is specific to the nationality of the inhabitants of Mexico, and the term is used appropriately for Mexican citizens visiting or working in the United States. The term Mexican is not sufficient to designate those who are citizens of the United States or born in the United States and of Mexican descent. It is important to explain why these people find it important to make this distinction. US citizens concerned by this often point out that most immigrants do not distinguish themselves primarily by their point of origin, but simply as Americans. In the next paragraphs, I will explain why many U.S. citizens of Mexican descent believe it is important to make this distinction. Say no to plagiarism. Get a tailor-made essay on "Why Violent Video Games Shouldn't Be Banned"? Get an original essay About 150 years ago, about 50% of what was then Mexico was appropriated by the United States as war spoils, and in a series of forced land sales taking advantage of the U.S. victory in that war and the weak situation politics and economics of Mexico. As a result, a considerable number of Mexican citizens became citizens of the United States overnight, and the treaty declaring peace between the two countries recognized the rights of these people to their private property, their religion, and the right to speak and receive instruction in your own language. Descendants of this population continue to claim these rights and many believe that theirs is a colonized land and people because their territory and population were conquered by military force. Numerous classes of U.S. citizens of Mexican descent are descendants of, or are themselves, persons who conceive of themselves as temporarily displaced from Mexico by economic circumstances. Unlike the waves of European migrants who voluntarily left their countries due to class and religious discrimination and sought to make a new life in the new world without ever returning to the old land, these displaced Mexicans typically maintain strong family ties in Mexico periodically visiting and investing their incomes in homes or relatives in Mexico, and usually intend to return to Mexico provided they can become economically secure. Religion, language and customs help the Mexican people support and raise their children. There is great tension within this population between those of Mexican descent who conceive of themselves as temporary guests in the United States, and their U.S.-born descendants, who are acculturated to the norms of broader U.S. society in public schools, and they are not motivated by the same ties that bind a migrant generation of Mexicans. This creates a classic niche of descendants of immigrants who are full U.S. citizens, but who typically do not have access to all the rights and privileges of citizenship due to the strong cultural identity instilled in them by their upbringing and the discriminatory reaction of the population majority against an unassimilated and easily identifiable subclass. Chicanos are not the same as Mexicans. Mexicanos, and instead spoke of themselves as Mesheecanos, according to the pronunciation rules of their language. One confusing factor is that in vernacular Spanish it is common for Mexicans to use the conjunction "CH" in place of some consonants to create a term of endearment. Whatever it wasits origin, being identified with this name was initially offensive. The term was adopted by Mexican-American activists who took part in the Brown Power movement of the 1960s and 1970s in the southwestern United States, and has now come into widespread use. Among more assimilated Mexican-Americans, the term still retains an unpleasant connotation, especially because it is preferred by political activists and those seeking to create a fresh new identity for their culture rather than blandly subsume it under the guise of any one traditional culture. Under the great Mexican-American leadership of Cesar Chavez, United Farm Works achieved historic results by calling on the best people from all walks of life to help farm workers. Cesar Chavez used the motto: !Si se peude!(Yes, we can!) as he developed and lived by a unique blend of values, philosophy and styles. Cesar Estrada Chavez, was a major Mexican-American labor organizer, leader and a migrant worker . He used nonviolent action to gain recognition and respect for migrant farm workers. Cesar Chavez knew he needed recognition to be able to negotiate the labor rights of migrant workers in collective bargaining. The agricultural planters and agricultural trading companies were rich and powerful and had never allowed the recognition of any union. Agricultural workers had been excluded from the right to collective bargaining that had been guaranteed to other workers by the National Labor Relations Act of 1935 (Zannos). It wouldn't happen for forty years; later in 1975, through the efforts of Cesar Chavez, the United Farm Workers Union (UFW), and migrant workers, they secured the protection of the National Labor Relations Act and an Agricultural Relations Board. Cesar Chavez was born in 1927, on a farm near Yuma, Arizona. In 1939, his parents lost their farm to a bank foreclosure. During Cesar's childhood his family immigrated to California where he became a migrant worker. Chavez had worked in the fields as a child and encountered the reality of being poor, as well as a member of a discriminated against class of people (Altman). The land shaped Cesar Chavez's thinking and emotional being. The reality of hard work in hot fields at low wages, planting, hoeing, and harvesting the agricultural products that formed the foundation of a multibillion-dollar food chain industry impressed Cesar. He discovered his place in the entire enterprise and that workers were simply expendable commodities obtained at the lowest price with the least personal protection and job benefits. Cesar Chavez realized that workers were too weak to fight the agribusiness that controlled public, political and police agencies. Powerful farmers and multinational corporations lacked the awareness to practice the equitable integration of workers as partners in the agricultural enterprise. The plight of migrant workers drove Chávez's actions and provided him with the emotional motivation to organize agricultural workers. There is no doubt that the land, the people, his family and the cultural environment of his home shaped his character and motivated him in his efforts on behalf of migrant workers in the field. Cesar Chavez organized grape pickers in California in 1962, in the National Farm Workers Association (NFWA). Chavez, an Arizona native, knew firsthand that he was poor and ran his union organizing activities with few resources. He started with the solidarity of his wife Helen, his brother Richard and some friends. Cesar borrowed $3,000 from his brother Richard to start the union. The National Farm Workers Associationhe had developed a nonviolent strategy to survive and chose the Aztec eagle as his emblem. They also carried the image of the Lady of Guadalupe on banners during their Huelgas (strikes) and other marches. Cesar Chavez never wavered from his task of helping migrant workers and was able to relate to the experiences of workers on the ground. By 1966, powerful agricultural corporations were now challenged by smaller, weaker, poorer agricultural unions. The NFWA merged with the Philippine union and changed its name to the Farm Workers Association Committee (UFWOC). Chavez and the NFWA encouraged all Americans nationwide to boycott all table grapes as a show of support. Cesar began fasting as a spiritual call for union members to adhere to nonviolent action, despite being faced with so much violence against them. (Richard, p.19) The use of a nationwide boycott was a strategy that moved the struggle away from a small area of ​​Delano, California, where powerful planters controlled power. Across the nation, other wealthy and powerful groups, college students, and consumers in general saw the injustice of the treatment of field workers and supported boycotts of grapes. Public officials such as Robert Kennedy, religious leaders, and ordinary citizens from across the United States flocked to California to march in support of farm workers. In 1973, the union changed its name to United Farm Workers of America (UFWA). With each name change came new alliances, new strategies, new vision and hope. Unfortunately, the rich and powerful growers never intended to change their non-integral philosophy and failed to renew their contracts in 1973. In 1973, the UFWA organized a strike to obtain higher wages from lettuce growers and grapes. Chavez always remained committed to nonviolence, although this was difficult when the opposition resorted to using police, county sheriff's deputies and paid rednecks to harass strikers in the camps. Outbursts of violence against the union resulted in beatings and the deaths of some union strikers. Chavez and the UFWA used strategies from previous strikes and managed to negotiate with the farmers in 1978. Cesar Chavez, a very religious Catholic, wrote a prayer about the struggles faced by union members. Prayer of the Agricultural Workers' Struggle Show me the suffering of the most miserable; So I will know the plight of my people. Free me to pray for others; Because you are present in every person. Help me take responsibility for my life; So that I can finally be free. Grant me the courage to serve others; Because in service there is true life. Give me honesty and patience; So that I can work with other workers. Produce songs and celebrations; For the Spirit to be alive among us. Let the spirit flourish and grow; So that we will never get tired of the struggle. We remember those who died for justice; Because they gave us life. Help us to love even those who hate us; So we can change the world.Amen Written by Cesar E. Chavez, founder of UFWA (1927-1993) During the 1980s, Chavez led a boycott to protest the use of toxic pesticides on grapes. Once again Chavez fasted to gain public attention; these strikes and boycotts generally ended with the signing of contractual agreements. Chavez continued to lead the marches, often accompanied by one or more of his nephews, always concerned about dignity, justice and fairness. He was ready to sacrifice himself for what he believed was right: "Fighting for social justice,.